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Rommel moved those armoured formations under his command as far forward as possible, ordering General Erich Marcks , commanding the 84th Corps defending the Normandy section, to move his reserves into the frontline.
Although Rommel was the dominating personality in Normandy with Rundstedt willing to delegate most of the responsibilities to him the central reserve was Rundstedt's idea but he did not oppose to some form of coastal defense, and gradually came under the influence of Rommel's thinking , Rommel's strategy of an armor-supported coastal defense line was opposed by some officers, most notably Leo Geyr von Schweppenburg , who was supported by Guderian.
The Allies staged elaborate deceptions for D-Day see Operation Fortitude , giving the impression that the landings would be at Calais. Although Hitler himself expected a Normandy invasion for a while, Rommel and most Army commanders in France believed there would be two invasions, with the main invasion coming at the Pas-de-Calais.
Rommel drove defensive preparations all along the coast of Northern France, particularly concentrating fortification building in the River Somme estuary.
By D-Day on 6 June nearly all the German staff officers, including Hitler's staff, believed that Pas-de-Calais was going to be the main invasion site, and continued to believe so even after the landings in Normandy had occurred.
The 5 June storm in the channel seemed to make a landing very unlikely, and a number of the senior officers were away from their units for training exercises and various other efforts.
On 4 June the chief meteorologist of the 3 Air Fleet reported that weather in the channel was so poor there could be no landing attempted for two weeks.
On 5 June Rommel left France and on 6 June he was at home celebrating his wife's birthday. Meanwhile, earlier in the day, Rundstedt had requested the reserves be transferred to his command.
Later in the day, Rundstedt received authorisation to move additional units in preparation for a counterattack, which Rundstedt decided to launch on 7 June.
Upon arrival, Rommel concurred with the plan. By nightfall, Rundstedt, Rommel and Speidel continued to believe that the Normandy landing might have been a diversionary attack, as the Allied deception measures still pointed towards Calais.
The 7 June counterattack did not take place because Allied air bombardments prevented the 12th SS's timely arrival. Facing relatively small-scale German counterattacks, the Allies secured five beachheads by nightfall of 6 June, landing , troops.
Rommel believed that if his armies pulled out of range of Allied naval fire, it would give them a chance to regroup and re-engage them later with a better chance of success.
While he managed to convince Rundstedt, they still needed to win over Hitler. At a meeting with Hitler at his Wolfsschlucht II headquarters in Margival in northern France on 17 June, Rommel warned Hitler about the inevitable collapse in the German defences, but was rebuffed and told to focus on military operations.
By mid-July the German position was crumbling. Rommel was thrown from the car, suffering injuries to the left side of his face from glass shards and three fractures to his skull.
The role that Rommel played in the military's resistance against Hitler or the 20 July plot is difficult to ascertain, as most of the leaders who were directly involved did not survive and limited documentation on the conspirators' plans and preparations exists.
These papers, accidentally discovered by historian Christian Schweizer in while doing research on Rudolf Hartmann, include Hartmann's eyewitness account of a conversation between Rommel and Carl-Heinrich von Stülpnagel in May , as well as photos of the mid-May meeting between the inner circle of the resistance and Rommel at Kossmann's house.
According to Hartmann, by the end of May, in another meeting at Hartmann's quarters in Mareil—Marly, Rommel showed "decisive determination" and clear approval of the inner circle's plan.
According to a post-war account by Karl Strölin , three of Rommel's friends—the Oberbürgermeister of Stuttgart, Strölin who had served with Rommel in the First World War , Alexander von Falkenhausen and Carl Heinrich von Stülpnagel —began efforts to bring Rommel into the anti-Hitler conspiracy in early According to Strölin, sometime in February, Rommel agreed to lend his support to the resistance.
The conspirators felt they needed the support of a field marshal on active duty. Erwin von Witzleben , who would have become commander-in-chief of the Wehrmacht had the plot succeeded, was a field marshal, but had been inactive since The conspirators gave instructions to Speidel to bring Rommel into their circle.
Speidel met with former foreign minister Konstantin von Neurath and Strölin on 27 May in Germany, ostensibly at Rommel's request, although the latter was not present.
Neurath and Strölin suggested opening immediate surrender negotiations in the West, and, according to Speidel, Rommel agreed to further discussions and preparations.
On 16 May, they informed Allen Dulles , through whom they hoped to negotiate with the Western Allies, that Rommel could not be counted on for support.
At least initially, Rommel opposed assassinating Hitler. After the war, his widow—among others—maintained that Rommel believed an assassination attempt would spark civil war in Germany and Austria, and Hitler would have become a martyr for a lasting cause.
The arrest plan would have been highly improbable, as Hitler's security was extremely tight. Rommel would have known this, having commanded Hitler's army protection detail in On 15 July, Rommel wrote a letter to Hitler giving him a "last chance" to end the hostilities with the Western Allies, urging Hitler to "draw the proper conclusions without delay".
What Rommel did not know was that the letter took two weeks to reach Hitler because of Kluge's precautions. Hart, reliable details of the conversations are now lost, although they certainly met.
On 17 July, Rommel was incapacitated by an Allied air attack, which many authors describe as a fateful event that drastically altered the outcome of the bomb plot.
After the failed bomb attack of 20 July, many conspirators were arrested and the dragnet expanded to thousands.
Historian Peter Lieb considers the memorandum, as well as Eberbach's conversation and the testimonies of surviving resistant members including Hartmann to be the three key sources that indicate Rommel's support of the assassination plan.
He further notes that while Speidel had an interest in promoting his own post-war career, his testimonies should not be dismissed, considering his bravery as an early resistance figure.
He began to contemplate this plan some months after El Alamein and carried it out with a lonely decision and conviction, and in the end, had managed to bring military leaders in the West to his side.
Rommel's case was turned over to the "Court of Military Honour"—a drumhead court-martial convened to decide the fate of officers involved in the conspiracy.
The Court acquired information from Speidel, Hofacker and others that implicated Rommel, with Keitel and Ernst Kaltenbrunner assuming that he had taken part in the subversion.
Keitel and Guderian then made the decision that favoured Speidel's case and at the same time shifted the blame to Rommel.
However, Hitler knew that having Rommel branded and executed as a traitor would severely damage morale on the home front. Burgdorf informed him of the charges and offered him three options: he could choose to defend himself personally to Hitler in Berlin, [N 9] or if he refused to do so which would be taken as an admission of guilt , he would either face the People's Court—which would have been tantamount to a death sentence—or choose a quiet suicide.
In the former case, his family would have suffered even before the all-but-certain conviction and execution, and his staff would have been arrested and executed as well.
In the latter case, the government would claim that he died a hero and bury him with full military honours, and his family would receive full pension payments.
Burgdorf had brought a cyanide capsule. Rommel denied involvement in the plot, declaring his love for Hitler, and saying that he would gladly serve his "Fatherland" again.
Before the two officers came, Rommel had told his family and friends that he would not reach Berlin alive, considering the fact that his appearing before a court "would be the end of Hitler", too.
After stopping, Doose and Maisel walked away from the car, leaving Rommel with Burgdorf. Five minutes later Burgdorf gestured to the two men to return to the car, and Doose noticed that Rommel was slumped over, having taken the cyanide.
He died before being taken to the Wagner-Schule field hospital. Ten minutes later, the group telephoned Rommel's wife to inform her of his death.
The official story of Rommel's death, as reported to the public, stated that Rommel had died of either a heart attack or a cerebral embolism —a complication of the skull fractures he had suffered in the earlier strafing of his staff car.
As previously promised, Rommel was given a state funeral. The fact that his state funeral was held in Ulm instead of Berlin had, according to his son, been stipulated by Rommel.
Rommel's grave is located in Herrlingen, a short distance west of Ulm. For decades after the war on the anniversary of his death, veterans of the Africa campaign, including former opponents, would gather at his tomb in Herrlingen.
On the Italian front in the First World War Rommel was a successful tactician in fast-developing mobile battle, and this shaped his subsequent style as a military commander.
He found that taking initiative and not allowing the enemy forces to regroup led to victory. Some authors, like Porch, comment that his enemies were often less organised, second-rate, or depleted, and his tactics were less effective against adequately led, trained and supplied opponents and proved insufficient in the later years of the war.
Rommel is praised by numerous authors as a great leader of men. Taking his opponents by surprise and creating uncertainty in their minds were key elements in Rommel's approach to offensive warfare: he took advantage of sand storms and the dark of night to conceal the movement of his forces.
When the British mounted a commando raid deep behind German lines in an effort to kill Rommel and his staff on the eve of their Crusader offensive , Rommel was indignant that the British expected to find his headquarters miles behind his front.
Mellenthin lists Rommel's counterattack during Operation Crusader as one such instance. For his leadership during the French campaign Rommel received both praise and criticism.
Many, such as General Georg Stumme , who had previously commanded 7th Panzer Division, were impressed with the speed and success of Rommel's drive.
Some pointed out that Rommel's division took the highest casualties in the campaign. Rommel spoke German with a pronounced southern German or Swabian accent.
He was not a part of the Prussian aristocracy that dominated the German high command, and as such was looked upon somewhat suspiciously by the Wehrmacht 's traditional power structure.
Rommel was direct, unbending, tough in his manners, to superiors and subordinates alike, disobedient even to Hitler whenever he saw fit, although gentle and diplomatic to the lower ranks German and Italian alike and POWs.
Many of these traits seemed to manifest even at a very young age. Although he was nominally subordinate to the Italians, he enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy from them; since he was directing their troops in battle as well as his own, this was bound to cause hostility among Italian commanders.
Conversely, as the Italian command had control over the supplies of the forces in Africa, they resupplied Italian units preferentially, which was a source of resentment for Rommel and his staff.
While certainly much less proficient than Rommel in their leadership, aggressiveness, tactical outlook and mobile warfare skills,  Italian commanders were competent in logistics, strategy and artillery doctrine: their troops were ill-equipped but well-trained.
As such, the Italian commanders were repeatedly at odds with Rommel over concerns with issues of supply. This effort resulted only in partial success, with Kesselring's own relationship with the Italians being unsteady and Kesselring claiming Rommel ignored him as readily as he ignored the Italians.
According to Scianna, opinion among the Italian military leaders was not unanimous. In general, Rommel was a target of criticism and a scapegoat for defeat rather than a glorified figure, with certain generals also trying to replace him as the heroic leader or hijack the Rommel myth for their own benefit.
Nevertheless, he never became a hated figure, although the "abandonment myth", despite being repudiated by officers of the X Corps themselves, was long-lived.
Many found Rommel's chaotic leadership and emotional character hard to work with, yet the Italians held him in higher regard than other German senior commanders, militarily and personally.
Very different, however, was the perception of Rommel by Italian common soldiers and NCOs, who, like the German field troops, had the deepest trust and respect for him.
Rommel himself held a much more generous view about the Italian soldier  than about their leadership, towards whom his disdain, deeply rooted in militarism, was not atypical, although unlike Kesselring he was incapable of concealing it.
James J. Sadkovich states examples of Rommel for abandoning his Italian units, refusing cooperation, rarely acknowledging their achievements and other improper behaviour towards his Italian allies, Giuseppe Mancinell who was liaison between German and Italian command accused Rommel of blaming Italians for his own errors.
Sadkovich names Rommel as arrogantly ethnocentric and disdainful towards Italians  However, others point out that the Italians under Rommel, in comparison with many of their compatriots in other areas, were better led, supplied, and trained, fighting well as a result, with a ratio of wounded and killed Italians similar to that of the Germans.
Many authors describe Rommel as having a reputation of being a chivalrous, humane, and professional officer, and that he earned the respect of both his own troops and his enemies.
Whoever fights against the German soldier has lost any right to be treated well and shall experience toughness reserved for the rabble which betrays friends.
Every member of the German troop has to adopt this stance. According to Maurice Remy, orders issued by Hitler during Rommel's stay in a hospital resulted in massacres in the course of Operation Achse , disarming the Italian forces after the armistice with the Allies in , but according to Remy Rommel treated his Italian opponents with his usual fairness, requiring that the prisoners should be accorded the same conditions as German civilians.
Remy opines that an order in which Rommel, in fact protesting against Hitler's directives, called for no "sentimental scruples" against "Badoglio-dependent bandits in uniforms of the once brothers-in-arms" should not be taken out of context.
In the Normandy campaign both Allied and German troops murdered prisoners of war on occasion during June and July It is likely that he had acted similarly in North Africa.
Telp states that Rommel was chivalrous by nature and not prone to order needless violence. Historian Richard J. Evans has stated that German soldiers in Tunisia raped Jewish women, and the success of Rommel's forces in capturing or securing Allied, Italian and Vichy French territory in North Africa led to many Jews in these areas being killed by other German institutions as part of the Holocaust.
While committed by Italian forces, Patrick Bernhard writes "the Germans were aware of Italian reprisals behind the front lines.
Yet, perhaps surprisingly, they seem to have exercised little control over events. The German consul general in Tripoli consulted with Italian state and party officials about possible countermeasures against the natives, but this was the full extent of German involvement.
Rommel did not directly intervene, though he advised the Italian authorities to do whatever was necessary to eliminate the danger of riots and espionage; for the German general, the rear areas were to be kept "quiet" at all costs.
Thus, although he had no direct hand in the atrocities, Rommel made himself complicit in war crimes by failing to point out that international laws of war strictly prohibited certain forms of retaliation.
By giving carte blanche to the Italians, Rommel implicitly condoned, and perhaps even encouraged, their war crimes". Kriegsverbrechen, koloniale Massengewalt und Judenverfolgung in Nordafrika , Bernhard writes that North African campaign was hardly "war without hate" as Rommel described it, and points out rapes of women, ill treatment and executions of captured POWs, as well as racially motivated murders of Arabs, Berbers and Jews, in addition to establishment of concentration camps.
Bernhard again cites discussion among the German and Italian authorities about Rommel's position regarding countermeasures against local resurrection according to them, Rommel wanted to eliminate the danger at all costs to show that Rommel fundamentally approved of Italian policy in the matter.
Bernhard opines that Rommel had informal power over the matter because his military success brought him influence on the Italian authorities.
The Museum states that this unit was to be tasked with murdering Jewish population of North Africa, Palestine, and it was to be attached directly to Rommel's Afrika Korps.
According to museum Rauff met with Rommel's staff in as part of preparations for this plan. The Museum states that Rommel was certainly aware that planning was taking place,even if his reaction to it isn't recorded, and while the main proposed Einsatzgruppen were never set in action, smaller units did murder Jews in North Africa.
On the other hand, Christopher Gabel remarks that Richards Evans seems to attempt to prove that Rommel was a war criminal by association but fails to produce evidence that he had actual or constructive knowledge about said crimes.
Shepherd comments that Rommel showed insight and restraint when dealing with the nomadic Arabs, the only civilians who occasionally intervened into the war and thus risked reprisals as a result.
Shepherd cites a request by Rommel to the Italian High Command, in which he complained about excesses against the Arabic population and noted that reprisals without identifying the real culprits were never expedient.
Aisa Bu Graiem, who worked as foreman and cook for the Luftwaffe recalls that when some Arabs complained, Rommel politely told them that his soldiers did not have enough to eat, but when the war ended they would be compensated.
Rommel's war is always part of Hitler's war of worldviews, whether Rommel wanted it or not. However, in view of the Axis' deteriorating situation in Africa it returned to Germany in September.
Shepherd , Rommel had already been retreating and there is no proof of his contact with the Einsatzkommando.
Haaretz also remarks that Rommel's influence probably softened the Nazi authorities' attitude to the Jews and to the civilian population generally in North Africa.
Explanations include the absence of civilians and the relative absence of Nazis; the nature of the environment, which conveyed a "moral simplicity and transparency"; and the control of command on both sides by prewar professionals, producing a British tendency to depict war in the imagery of a game, and the corresponding German pattern of seeing it as a test of skill and a proof of virtue.
The nature of the fighting as well diminished the last-ditch, close-quarter actions that are primary nurturers of mutual bitterness.
A battalion overrun by tanks usually had its resistance broken so completely that nothing was to be gained by a broken-backed final stand.
Joachim Käppner writes that while the conflict in North Africa was not as bloody as in Eastern Europe,the Afrika Korps committed some war crimes .
Historian Martin Kitchen states that the reputation of the Afrika Korps was preserved by circumstances: The sparsely populated desert areas did not lend themselves to ethnic cleansing; the German forces never reached the large Jewish populations in Egypt and Palestine; and in the urban areas of Tunisia and Tripolitania the Italian government constrained the German efforts to discriminate against or eliminate Jews who were Italian citizens.
Remy writes that this number was unchanged following the German invasion of Tunisia in while Curtis notes that of these Jews would be sent to forced labour camps.
According to this study's files, his half-Jews were not as affected by the racial laws as most others serving on the European continent. Captain Horst van Oppenfeld a staff officer to Colonel Claus von Stauffenberg and a quarter-Jew says that Rommel did not concern himself with the racial decrees and he had never experienced any trouble caused by his ancestry during his time in the DAK even if Rommel never personally interfered on his behalf.
At his 17 June meeting with Hitler at Margival he protested against the massacre of the citizens of the French town of Oradour-sur-Glane , committed by the 2nd SS Panzer Division Das Reich , and asked to be allowed to punish the division.
Building the Atlantic Wall was officially the responsibility of the Organisation Todt ,  which was not under Rommel's command, but he enthusiastically joined the task,  protesting slave labour and suggesting that they should recruit French civilians and pay them good wages.
Although they got basic wages, the workers complained because it was too little and there was no heavy equipment. Rommel was himself an eccentric and horrible violinist.
Bruce Watson comments that whatever racism Rommel might have had at the beginning, it became washed away when fighting in the desert. When he saw it that they were fighting well, he gave the 4th Division of the Indian Army high praise.
Once he witnessed German soldiers with throats cut by a khukri knife. Rommel saying that using the Indians was unfair also should be put in perpspective, considering the disbandment of the battle-hardened 4th Division by the Allies.
The anti-tank teams and tank crews performed with courage and caused serious losses. Finding this strange coming from a man fighting for Hitler, they adopted this behaviour until they were back to the Union of South Africa, where they were separated again.
There are reports that Rommel acknowledged the Maori soldiers' fighting skills, yet at the same time he complained about their methods which were unfair from the European perspective.
Hew Strachan notes that lapses in practicing the warriors' code of war were usually attributed to ethnic groups outside of Europe with the implication that those from within knew better how to behave although Strachan opines that such attributions were perhaps true.
Rick Atkinson criticises Rommel for gaining a looted stamp collection a bribe from Sepp Dietrich and a villa taken from Jews.
Curiously, recent research by Norman Ohler claims that Rommel's behaviours were heavily influenced by Pervitin which he reportedly took in heavy doses, to such an extent that Ohler refers to him as "the Crystal Fox" "Kristallfuchs"   — playing off the nickname "Desert Fox" famously given to him by the British.
At the beginning, although Hitler and Goebbels took particular notice of Rommel, the Nazi elites had no intent to create one major war symbol partly out of fear that he would offset Hitler   , generating huge propaganda campaigns for not only Rommel but also Gerd von Rundstedt , Walther von Brauchitsch , Eduard Dietl , Sepp Dietrich the latter two were party members and also strongly supported by Hitler , etc.
Spiegel wrote, "Even back then his fame outshone that of all other commanders. Rommel's victories in France were featured in the German press and in the February film Victory in the West, in which Rommel personally helped direct a segment reenacting the crossing of the Somme River.
In North Africa, Rommel received help in cultivating his image from Alfred Ingemar Berndt , a senior official at the Reich Propaganda Ministry who had volunteered for military service.
He directed Rommel's photo shoots and filed radio dispatches describing the battles. In the spring of , Rommel's name began to appear in the British media.
Toward the end of the year, the Reich propaganda machine also used Rommel's successes in Africa as a diversion from the Wehrmacht's challenging situation in the Soviet Union with the stall of Operation Barbarossa.
The attention of the Western and especially the British press thrilled Goebbels, who wrote in his diary in early "Rommel continues to be the recognized darling of even the enemies' news agencies.
The Field Marshal was the German commander most frequently covered in the German media, and the only one to be given a press conference, which took place in October Rommel declared: "Today we He became a symbol that was used to reinforce the German public's faith in an ultimate Axis victory.
In the wake of the successful British offensive in November and other military reverses, the Propaganda Ministry directed the media to emphasize Rommel's invincibility.
The charade was maintained until the spring of , even as the German situation in Africa became increasingly precarious.
To ensure that the inevitable defeat in Africa would not be associated with Rommel's name, Goebbels had the Supreme High Command announce in May that Rommel was on a two-month leave for health reasons.
After the radio program ran in May , Rommel sent Berndt a case of cigars as a sign of his gratitude. Although Rommel then entered a period without a significant command, he remained a household name in Germany, synonymous with the aura of invincibility.
Goebbels supported the decision, noting in his diary that Rommel was "undoubtedly the suitable man" for the task. The propaganda minister expected the move to reassure the German public and at the same time to have a negative impact on the Allied forces' morale.
In France, a Wehrmacht propaganda company frequently accompanied Rommel on his inspection trips to document his work for both domestic and foreign audiences.
When Rommel was seriously wounded on 17 July , the Propaganda Ministry undertook efforts to conceal the injury so as not to undermine domestic morale.
Despite those, the news leaked to the British press. To counteract the rumors of a serious injury and even death, Rommel was required to appear at 1 August press conference.
On 3 August, the German press published an official report that Rommel had been injured in a car accident.
Rommel noted in his diary his dismay at this twisting of the truth, belatedly realising how much the Reich propaganda was using him for its own ends.
Rommel was interested in propaganda beyond the promotion of his own image. In , after visiting Rommel in France and reading his proposals on counteracting Allied propaganda, Alfred-Ingemar Berndt remarked: "He is also interested in this propaganda business and wants to develop it by all means.
He has even thought and brought out practical suggestions for each program and subject. Rommel saw the propaganda and education values in his and his nation's deeds He also did value justice itself; according to Admiral Ruge's diary, Rommel told Ruge: "Justice is the indispensable foundation of a nation.
Unfortunately, the higher-ups are not clean. The slaughterings are grave sins. What they want is what might be termed a physical contact with him.
In moments of panic, fatigue, or disorganization, or when something out of the ordinary has to be demanded from them, the personal example of the commander works wonders, especially if he has had the wit to create some sort of legend around himself.
The political scientist and historian Randall Hansen suggests that Rommel chose his whole command style for the purpose of spreading meritocracy and egalitarianism, as well as Nazi ideals he shared with Hitler because of their common non-aristocratic background.
Hitler replied, "Dear Rommel, you understand nothing about my thinking at all. Rommel was not a member of the Nazi Party.
Rommel, as other Wehrmacht officers, welcomed the Nazi rise to power. Kesselring described Rommel's own power over Hitler as "hypnotic".
He had entrusted himself to me and would never forget me for my excellent advice. The close relationship between Rommel and Hitler continued following the Western campaign; after Rommel sent to him a specially prepared diary on the 7th Division, he received a letter of thanks from the dictator.
Hitler displayed the same emotions. Amid growing doubts and differences, he would remain eager for Rommel's calls they had almost daily, hour-long, highly animated conversations, with the preferred topic being technical innovations  : he once almost grabbed the telephone out of Linge's hand.
But, according to Linge, seeing Rommel's disobedience Hitler also realized his mistake in building up Rommel, whom not only the Afrika Korps but also the German people in general now considered the German God.
Rommel was an ambitious man who took advantage of his proximity to Hitler and willingly accepted the propaganda campaigns designed for him by Goebbels.
On the other hand, being elevated by the traditional system that gave preferential treatment to aristocratic officers would be betrayal of his aspiration "to remain a man of the troops".
Messenger argues that Rommel's attitude towards Hitler changed only after the Allied invasion of Normandy, when Rommel came to realise that the war could not be won,  while Maurice Remy suggests that Rommel never truly broke away from the relationship with Hitler but praises him for "always [having] the courage to oppose him whenever his conscience required so".
Rommel's political inclinations were a controversial matter even among the contemporary Nazi elites. Rommel himself, while showing support to some facets of the Nazi ideology  and enjoying the propaganda the Nazi machine built around him, was enraged by the Nazi media's effort to portray him as an early Party member and son of a mason, forcing them to correct this misinformation.
Hitler and Goebbels, his main supporters, tended to defend him. When Rommel was being considered for appointment as Commander-in-Chief of the Army in the summer of , Goebbels wrote in his diary that Rommel "is ideologically sound, is not just sympathetic to the National Socialists.
He is a National Socialist; he is a troop leader with a gift for improvisation, personally courageous and extraordinarily inventive.
These are the kinds of soldiers we need. When Rommel lost faith in the final victory and Hitler's leadership, Hitler and Goebbels tried to find an alternative in Manstein to remedy the fighting will and "political direction" of other generals but did not succeed.
Meanwhile, officials who did not like Rommel, such as Bormann and Schirach, whispered to each other that he was not a Nazi at all.
Himmler, who played a decisive role in Rommel's death, tried to blame Keitel and Jodl for the deed. And in fact the deed was initiated by them.
They deeply resented Rommel's meteoric rise and had long feared that he would become the Commander-in-Chief. Rommel imposed a high number of courts martial, but according to Westphal, he never signed the final order.
Owen Connelly comments that he could afford easy discipline because of his charisma. Depending on the case, Hitler manipulated or exacerbated the situation in order to benefit himself,   [N 29] although he originally had no intent of pushing Rommel to the point of destruction.
Maurice Remy concludes that, unwillingly and probably without ever realising it, Rommel was part of a murderous regime, although he never actually grasped the core of National Socialism.
Mitcham states that Rommel "after years of propaganda" was antisemitic and worried about "Jewish problem", Jewish "clannishness" and supposed Jewish wealth in Germany, Mitcham however states that main concern for Rommel was his career and family, and he didn't devote much focus to the issue, and being stationed in Africa knew little about their treatment in Europe.
According to some revisionist authors, an assessment of Rommel's role in history has been hampered by views of Rommel that were formed, at least in part, for political reasons, creating what these historians have called the " Rommel myth ".
The interpretation considered by some historians to be a myth is the depiction of the Field Marshal as an apolitical, brilliant commander and a victim of the Third Reich who participated in the 20 July plot against Adolf Hitler.
The seeds of the myth can be found first in Rommel's drive for success as a young officer in World War I and then in his popular book Infantry Attacks , which was written in a style that diverged from the German military literature of the time and became a bestseller.
The myth then took shape during the opening years of World War II, as a component of Nazi propaganda to praise the Wehrmacht and instill optimism in the German public, with Rommel's willing participation.
When Rommel came to North Africa, it was picked up and disseminated in the West by the British press as the Allies sought to explain their continued inability to defeat the Axis forces in North Africa.
During parliamentary debate following the fall of Tobruk, Churchill described Rommel as an "extraordinary bold and clever opponent" and a "great field commander".
According to Der Spiegel following the war's end, West Germany yearned for father figures who were needed to replace the former ones who had been unmasked as criminals.
Rommel was chosen because he embodied the decent soldier, cunning yet fair-minded, and if guilty by association, not so guilty that he became unreliable, and additionally, former comrades reported that he was close to the Resistance.
Cornelia Hecht notes that despite the change of times, Rommel has become the symbol of different regimes and concepts, which is paradoxical, whoever the man he really was.
Eric Dorman-Smith claimed that it was a "pity we could not have combined with Rommel to clean up the whole mess on both sides".
At the same time, the Western Allies, and particularly the British, depicted Rommel as the "good German". His reputation for conducting a clean war was used in the interest of the West German rearmament and reconciliation between the former enemies—Britain and the United States on one side and the new Federal Republic of Germany on the other.
Rommel was often cited in Western sources as a patriotic German willing to stand up to Hitler. Churchill wrote about him in "[Rommel] The German rearmament of the early s was highly dependent on the moral rehabilitation that the Wehrmacht needed.
The journalist and historian Basil Liddell Hart , an early proponent of these two interconnected initiatives, provided the first widely available source on Rommel in his book on Hitler's generals, updated in , portraying Rommel in a positive light and as someone who stood apart from the regime.
The manner of Rommel's death had led to the assumption that he had not been a supporter of Nazism, to which Young subscribed. Speidel contributed as well, starting from the early s to bring up Rommel's and his own role in the plot, boosting his [Speidel's] suitability for a future role in the new military force of the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr , and then in NATO.
Further in was the publication of Rommel's writings of the war period as The Rommel Papers, edited by Liddell Hart. The controversy was described by the political scientist John Mearsheimer , who concluded that, by "manipulating history", Liddell Hart was in a position to show that he was at the root of the dramatic German success in According to Mark Connelly, Young and Liddell Hart laid the foundation for the Anglo-American myth, which consisted of three themes: Rommel's ambivalence towards Nazism; his military genius; and the emphasis of the chivalrous nature of the fighting in North Africa.
Historian Bruce Allen Watson offers his interpretation of the myth, encompassing the foundation laid down by the Nazi propaganda machine.
During recent years, historians' opinions on Rommel have become more diversified, with some aspects of his image being the target of revisionism more frequently than the others.
According to the prominent German historian Hans-Ulrich Wehler , the modern consensus agrees with post-war sources that Rommel treated the Allied captives decently, and he personally thinks that the movie Rommel does not overstate his conscience.
Also according to Wehler, scholars in England and the US still show a lot of admiration towards Rommel the military commander.
Modern historians who agree with the image of the apolitical, chivalrous genius         also have different opinions regarding details.
Smith and Bierman opine that Rommel might be considered an honourable man in his limited way but in a deeply dishonourable cause, and that he played the game of war with no more hatred for his opponent than a rugby team captain might feel for his opposite number.
According to some modern scholars, he was much more complex than the figure that has been firmly established in post-war reputation.
There is also, especially in Germany, an increasing tendency to portray Rommel as someone who cannot be explained in concrete details yet. Rommel was famous in his lifetime, including among his adversaries.
His tactical prowess and decency in the treatment of Allied prisoners earned him the respect of opponents including Claude Auchinleck , Archibald Wavell , George S.
Patton , and Bernard Montgomery. Rommel's military reputation has been controversial. While nearly all military practitioners acknowledge Rommel's excellent tactical skills and personal bravery, some, such as U.
Zabecki of the United States Naval Institute , considers Rommel's performance as an operational level commander to be highly overrated.
He argues that other officers share this belief. Nevertheless, there is also a notable number of officers who admire his methods, like Norman Schwarzkopf who describes Rommel as a "genius at battles of movement" and explains that "Look at Rommel.
Look at North Africa, the Arab-Israeli wars, and all the rest of them. A war in the desert is a war of mobility and lethality.
It's not a war where straight lines are drawn in the sand and [you] say, 'I will defend here or die. This ideal of modern knighthood is connected and combined with the anachronistic Miles Christianus model, the more recent "Miles Protector" model,  the "Soldier-Statesman" concept, and the traditional monofunctional combatant.
Certain modern military historians, such as Larry T. Addington, Niall Barr, Douglas Porch and Robert Citino , are skeptical of Rommel as an operational, let alone strategic level commander.
They point to Rommel's lack of appreciation for Germany's strategic situation, his misunderstanding of the relative importance of his theatre to the German High Command, his poor grasp of logistical realities, and, according to the historian Ian Beckett, his "penchant for glory hunting".
Compounding the problem was the Wehrmacht's institutional tendency to discount logistics, industrial output and their opponents' capacity to learn from past mistakes.
The historian Geoffrey P. Megargee points out Rommel's playing the German and Italian command structures against each other to his advantage.
Some historians take issue with Rommel's absence from Normandy on the day of the Allied invasion, 6 June He had left France on 5 June and was at home on the 6th celebrating his wife's birthday.
According to Rommel, he planned to proceed to see Hitler the next day to discuss the situation in Normandy. McMahon argues that Rommel no doubt possessed operational vision, however Rommel did not have the strategic resources to effect his operational choices while his forces provided the tactical ability to accomplish his goals, and the German staff and system of staff command were designed for commanders who led from the front, and in some cases he might have chosen the same options as Montgomery a reputedly strategy-oriented commander had he been put in the same conditions.
Joseph Forbes comments that: "The complex, conflict-filled interaction between Rommel and his superiors over logistics, objectives and priorities should not be used to detract from Rommel's reputation as a remarkable military leader", because Rommel was not given powers over logistics, and because if only generals who attain strategic-policy goals are great generals, such highly regarded commanders as Robert E.
Storbeck, Deputy Inspector General of the Bundeswehr — , remarks that, Rommel's leadership style and offensive thinking, although carrying inherent risks like losing the overview of the situation and creating overlapping of authority, have been proved effective, and have been analysed and incorporated in the training of officers by "us, our Western allies, the Warsaw Pact, and even the Israel Defense Forces".
Mitcham both defend his strategic decision regarding Malta as, although risky, the only logical choice. Rommel was among the few Axis commanders the others being Isoroku Yamamoto and Reinhard Heydrich who were targeted for assassination by Allied planners.
Two attempts were made, the first being Operation Flipper in North Africa in , and the second being Operation Gaff in Normandy in With Mollin's cooperation, he accepted financial responsibility for the child.
After the end of the First World War, the couple settled initially in Stuttgart, and Stemmer and her child lived with them.
Gertrude was referred to as Rommel's niece, a fiction that went unquestioned because of the enormous number of women widowed during the war.
The German Army's largest base, the Field Marshal Rommel Barracks, Augustdorf , is named in his honour; at the dedication in his widow Lucie and son Manfred Rommel were guests of honour.
A German Navy Lütjens-class destroyer , Rommel , was named for him in and christened by his widow; the ship was decommissioned in Numerous streets in Germany, especially in Rommel's home state of Baden-Württemberg , are named in his honor, including the street near where his last home was located.
The Rommel Memorial was erected in Heidenheim in The Rommel Museum opened in in the Villa Lindenhof in Herrlingen;  there is also a Rommel Museum in Mersa Matruh in Egypt which opened in , and which is located in one of Rommel's former headquarters; various other localities and establishments in Mersa Matruh, including Rommel Beach, are also named for Rommel.
In Italy, the annual marathon tour "Rommel Trail", which is sponsored by the Protezione Civile and the autonomous region of Friuli Venezia Giulia through its tourism agency, celebrates Rommel and the Battle of Caporetto.
The naming and sponsoring at that time by the center-left PD was criticized by the politician Giuseppe Civati in From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
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May German field marshal of World War II. Rommel c. See battles. Lucia Maria Mollin. Manfred Rommel — Gertrud Stemmer — Main article: Battle of Arras Main article: Siege of Tobruk.
Main article: Operation Crusader. Main articles: Battle of Gazala and Axis capture of Tobruk. Main article: First Battle of El Alamein.
Main article: Battle of Alam el Halfa. Main article: Second Battle of El Alamein. Main article: 20 July plot. Main article: Rommel myth.
Similar acts had also been perpetrated by soldiers of Rommel's 7th Panzer Division on 5 June against the defenders of Le Quesnoy. Rommel noted in his own account that "any enemy troops were either wiped out or forced to withdraw"; at the same time he also provided the disparaging but possibly somewhat contradictory in light of his first note observation that "many of the prisoners taken were hopelessly drunk.
This was Rommel's single most important contribution to the defense of the Normandy coast Rommel's pet project, the coastal obstacles, had proven to be one of the most successful innovations in the German defenses.
He grasped the significance of an improvement or an invention very quickly and often added to it. When a new device had been suggested to him during the evening, it was not unusual for Rommel to phone the proposer early the following morning with a proposal of his own which was a definite improvement".
Dihm: "Therefore a complete series of instructions were issued. These instructions were partly devised by the Generalfeldmarschall himself and were accompanied by sketches drawn by him.
They dealt mainly with the erection of obstacles on the beaches. In the letter, the Führer gave Rommel an impossible choice: if he believed himself innocent of the allegations against him, then Rommel must report to Hitler in person in Berlin; refusal to do so would be considered an admission of guilt There was no mention of Rommel's case first being put to the Wehrmacht's Court of Honor, a curious omission if Rommel were indeed being brought to book as part of von Stauffenberg's conspiracy.
I have forgotten myself. He cared about his men and was determined from the start of his fighting career to master the tactical skills that would enable them to survive The 'Desert Fox' was a genuine hero, revered not just for his personal bravery in battle but also for his apparent ability to outfight a succession of enemy generals, many of whom enjoyed numerical and even technological superiority No lift was present, and the men had to climb to ski down the hillside.
They trudged to the top and descended, and honour was satisfied, but the year-old commander led his officers up and down the slope twice more before he let them fall out.
He is almost a mythical figure. Rommel discovered that he had unusual charisma This effect he had on the troops would become the fundamental element of Mythos Rommel.
Martin Kitchen: "German historians have largely ignored the North African campaign, not only because it was peripheral He had sent Hitler a meticulously prepared diary of his division's exploits and received a letter of thanks just before Christmas.
He tolerated this since he had a strong dose of personal ambition and vanity. Rommel wollte bleiben, was es war: ein Mann der Truppe.
I think he wanted to get me sacked in order to realise his own plans in North Africa. Q, the Commando Supremo and the Luftwaffe.
Yet the overall effect bordered on hagiography. While it was perfectly true that the German troops in North Africa fought with great distinction and gallantry, Zabecki , Rommel's insubordination also played a role, leading to a calamitous misuse of resources when Rommel went over the head of his superior, Field Marshal Albert Kesselring , to appeal directly to Hitler to approve an assault on Egypt instead of occupying Malta, as Kesselring and OKW were planning.
General Warlimont and Rommel were not exactly the best of friends If this man, a member of OKW in Berlin, endorsed Rommel's decision after the fact, then the logic behind the decision must have been compelling.
With American industrial production beginning to make itself felt, while Germany bled herself white on the Russian Front, any chance of scoring a decisive victory had to be taken.
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